Socio-cultural History of Ghana

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What is nationalism in Ghana’s political history mean?

Nationalism Ghana’s political history means the struggle of the people of Ghana under British colonial rule with a common goal and identity aimed at freeing themselves from political, social, economic and cultural imperialism and exploitation of the British colonial government in order to ensure or gain their independence, self-government and advancement of their wellbeing.

 

What does Proto-Nationalism stand for in Ghana’s political history?

The term proto-nationalism is used to describe the type of nationalism in colonial Ghana that advocated for the non-violent approach to the struggle against colonial rule. Some of the proto-nationalist groups included the National Council for British West Africa (NCBWA), the youth conferences, Aborigines’ Rights Protection Society (ARPS), and the West African Youth League

What does the term the Big Six in Ghana’s political history stand for?

The term the Big Six stands for the six leaders of the UGCC who were arrested and detained following a wrong accusation of the British colonial government that they were the instigators of the February 1948 looting of European and Syrian stores by the people of the Gold Coast across the country. The six leaders were Ofori Atta, Obetsebi Lamptey, Kwame Nkrumah, J.B. Danquah, Edward Akuffo Addo, and Ako Adjei. According to Boahen (1975), the arrest and detention of the Big Six led to the increase in the popularity of the UGCC because the membership of the party increased by about twenty-five times between March and May 1948.

 

Achievements and Failures of the UGCC

Achievements

· The UGCC awakened the struggle for independence since the 1930s in a more concerted program of action by providing the medium through which national awareness was created.

· It achieved a national coverage by opening up branches in the Gold Coast. It is estimated that the UGCC opened about 200 branches throughout the country by 1948. By this act, the UGCC took nationalism which was strictly vibrant in Accra, Cape Coast and Sekondi-Takoradi to other parts of the country.

· The UGCC worked hand-in-hand with the colonial government in working out political programs for the country. This was particularly the case when the leadership of the UGCC worked with the Coussey Committee of 1951, whose recommendations formed the basis of the 1951 Constitution.

· As the first political party in Ghana, the UGCC provided a template for the formation of similar political parties. It thus laid the foundation for the subsequent proliferation of political parties and their participation in the politics in Ghana in the 1950s and beyond.

 

Failures

· The UGCC failed to widen its membership to include the masses. Hence, it remained essentially an elitist party.

· Though the UGCC aimed at self-government for Ghana, it failed to win independence for the country within the time it operated as the only political country in the country. It remains a debate if the UGCC would have succeeded in gaining independence for Ghana without the emergence of the CPP and the role played by Nkrumah.

· The UGCC did not only fail to establish a lasting relationship with Nkrumah when he worked in the party as the General Secretary, but also failed to work hand-in-hand with Nkrumah after the formation of the CPP for the independence of Ghana. The relations between the leaders of the UGCC and Nkrumah remained frosty since Nkrumah broke away from the UGCC.

 

 

Reasons why Nkrumah broke away from the UGCC

i. The clash between Nkrumah and the Working Committee of the UGCC pushed Nkrumah to break away from the UGCC. Nkrumah’s radical posture and activities made the Working Committee of the UGCC to suspend him, though the Working Committee claimed that Nkrumah was suspended for his inefficiencies. Whatever was the case, Nkrumah’s suspension forced him to break away from the UGCC.

 

ii. Nkrumah’s ideology was incompatible with the ideology of the UGCC. Nkrumah was a socialist while the leaders of the UGCC were democrats. Indeed, Nkrumah himself admitted that his ideological background was in sharp conflict with the middle-class merchants who formed the leadership of the UGCC. The ideological differences pushed Nkrumah to break away from the UGCC.

 

iii. The differences between Nkrumah and the leaders of the UGCC in the methods to be adopted to fight against colonialism caused Nkrumah to break away from the UGCC. Nkrumah favoured swift and radical methods to fight against colonialism to achieve independence immediately. On the other hand, the leaders of the UGCC favoured the use of legitimate, constitutional, gradual, non-violent and non-radical means to achieve independence for Ghana in the shortest possible time. These differences led Nkrumah to break away from the UGCC.

 

iv. Nkrumah’s decision to extend the nationalist drive of the UGCC from the frontiers of the elites to the doorsteps of the masses received the approbation of the leaders of the UGCC. Without consultation and consent of the leaders of the UGCC, Nkrumah formed the Committee of Youth Organization (CYO) and established the Accra Evening News as means to extend the nationalist drive of the UGCC to the masses. The leaders of the UGCC became unhappy about Nkrumah’s actions, leading to a frosty relationship that compelled Nkrumah to break away.

 

 

Roles of the Queen Mother in Akan traditional political system

i. Among the Akan, the Queen Mother serves as the paramount chief when the Stool becomes vacant. This is particularly the case when the royal family is unable to a male candidate to ascend the throne when it becomes vacant. In such a situation, the Queen Mother assumes the throne and performs the duties of a paramount chief.

ii. Another role of the Queen Mother among the Akan of Ghana is to provide consultancy services to the chief/king and the Council of Elders on important matters of the state. This is particularly the case when an issue before a chief/king and his council proves difficult to solve. In such a situation, the Queen Mother is consulted for advice.

iii. As the head of the women in her division/kingdom/state, the Queen Mother is responsible for the mobilization of women to undertake activities beneficial to the women and their division/kingdom/state in general. The Queen Mother has the power to sanction any women that fails to comply with her instructions.

iv. The Queen Mother of the Akan is also responsible for the preservation of the customs and practices of her state/kingdom/division, particularly customs and practices performed by women. This is particularly the case in the Akan societies that the Bragoro rites are performed. She supervises the celebration of Bragoro, and punishes young ladies who fail to perform the Bragoro or who break their virginity before the Bragoro rites. In some instances, the Queen Mother would sanction the entire family of a young lady who broke her virginity before the Bragoro.

v. The Queen Mother among the Akan of Ghana is regarded as the repository of the knowledge of the history of her state/kingdom/division. As such, it is the role of the Queen Mother to educate the chief/king on the history of his state/kingdom/division.  

 

The role of Yaa Asantewaa in the Yaa Asantewa War of 1900-1

· Yaa Asantewaa was the one who instigated and precipitated the Asante uprising against the British which led to the war. Both oral and documentary sources point to the fact that it was Yaa Asantewaa who rallied the Asante troops together to fight against the British in the war.

· Yaa Asantewaa played a leadership role in the war. She was the leader as well as the Commander-in-Chief of the Asante armies. Though some oral accounts dispute this claim, the majority of the sources claim that YaaAsantewaa did not just provide leadership for the Asante armies, she served as the Commander-in-Chief. As the Commander-in-Chief, Yaa Asantewaa fashioned out the strategies of the Asante armies and coordinated them in the war.

· Yaa Asantewaa directly and indirectly an inspiration to the Asante. Yaa Asantewaa provided the inspiration that the Asante need to rise up against the British. Her boldness inspired the Asante to rise up against the British. Hence, Yaa Asantewaa played the role as an inspirational figure in the war.

· The beginning and end of the war were tied to the Yaa Asantewaa. Just as Yaa Asantewaa rallied the Asante to rise up against the British, her capture signaled the end of the war. Yaa Asantewaa served as the engine and the furnace of Asante resistance in the war. Despite the fact that Asante troops were depleted at a point in time in the war, the Asante did not give. Similarly, British capture of some Asante chiefs and war generals did not compel the Asante to end the war. However, when Yaa Asantewaa, the engine and furnace of Asante resistance was captured, the Asante ended the war.

 

Political Features of the Government of the Fante Confederacy/Confederation

i. The government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy had a King-President who sat at Mankessim. The King-President was the primus inter pares (King of Kings) in Fanteland. The King-President served in the capacity of the chief justice who adjudicated cases brought before his court.

ii. The Government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy also had a Legislative Assembly. The Legislative Assembly consisted of two representatives from each of the confederate states – one a chief and the other an educated person. The Legislative Assembly met periodically at Mankessim to plan strategies and to decide on the development program of the confederate states.

iii. Another political administrative feature of the government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy was the National Assembly. The National Assembly was made up of the principal kings and chiefs of the various confederate states. The National Assembly met once annually to rectify and review decisions of the Legislative Assembly, and to elect the King-President. It was more or less the second chamber of parliament.

iv. The government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy had an army which was tasked to undertake all military adventures of the government. In 1871, King Otto of Abora was appointed the General Chief Marshall o the confederate army. By the time the confederacy collapsed in 1872, it had an army of about 12,000 troops. The army was divided into battalions made up of the right, left and central wings of the army.

v. The Fante Confederation/Confederacy had a constitution which guided the operations of the government. It adopted a constitution in 1861, which was replaced by the 1871 Constitution, which was also replaced by the 1872 Constitution. The constitution spelt out the structure of the government and functions of the various administrative units of the government.

vi. Another political feature of the administration of the government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy the Executive Council, which was created following the adoption of the 1871 Constitution. The Executive Council was made up of ex-officio members and members elected by the National Assembly. Its mandate was to provide assist the King-President in the execution of his executive functions. It provided a platform for the King-President to seek counsel, inputs and advices from members in the execution of his roles.

vii. The government of the Fante Confederation/Confederacy also had a judicial system. Each of the confederate states had a divisional court headed by the king/chief. At the apex of the judicial structure was the court of the King-President, which served as the last court of appeal. The court of the King-President adjudicated cases such as robbery and land disputes.

 

Why did the people of the Gold Coast resist the Poll Tax Ordinance of 1852?

i. The people of the Gold Coast opposed the Poll Tax because they were aggrieved that their chiefs accepted the tax without consulting them.

ii. The people of the Gold Coast resisted the Poll Tax because of the nature of its collection. The collection of the tax was entrusted in the hands of British officers who received the support of the chiefs. The people of the Gold Coast hated the arrangement because it did not entrust the collection of the tax in the hands of the local people, whom they could trust.

iii. The people of the Gold Coast resisted the Poll Tax because they realized later that the revenue generated from the tax was not all used for local developments. Part of the revenue was used to pay the salaries of public servants, who were mostly foreigners. This made the people of the Gold Coast to resist the payment of the Poll Tax.

iv. Another reason why the people of the Gold Coast resisted the poll tax was the chiefs' dissatisfaction with the political protection offered by the British government. The chiefs accused the British Government of the failure to help them effectively in their relations with the Asante. Hence, the chiefs opposed the tax and refused to enforce it in their respective jurisdictions.

v. Opposition to the Poll Tax was part of the wider resistance of the people of the Gold Coast to British rule. As the people of the Gold Coast felt that the Poll Tax enabled the British authorities to extend their jurisdictional powers over their enclaves, they mobilized to oppose it in order to preserve their sovereignty.